By Samir Kumar Das

ISBN-10: 1932728686

ISBN-13: 9781932728682

This monograph examines the function of civil society teams in peace construction in 3 clash areas in India's Northeast--Assam, Naga Hills/Nagaland, and Mizo Hills/Mizoram. those political conflicts are complicated with every one clash representing a cacophony of competing, frequently zero-sum calls for. In investigating the position of civil society teams, the learn distinguishes among reputable (between the govt of India and likely rebel enterprises) and unofficial peace strategies on the neighborhood point that makes coexistence of numerous groups attainable regardless of the continued violence. those approaches mirror very other ways of addressing clash and defining the position of civil society teams in peace construction. within the legit peace method, the position of civil society teams is to convey fighters to the negotiating desk, set forth almost certainly agreeable ceasefire phrases, and recommend attainable settlements. The emphasis is on discovering ideas on the macro point within the trust that cost also will bring about solution of micro point difficulties. against this the position of civil society teams within the unofficial methods is to continuously negotiate throughout ethnic barriers and give the opportunity for rival groups to reside jointly within the related village, locality, or local. Compromise is needed at each point for clash solution. well known projects additionally support insulate the overall inhabitants from insurgent teams. The reputable and unofficial peace strategies usually continue on parallel tracks with minimal impression on one another. it will be important for the 2 methods to be attached. For civil society teams to be better in peace development, they need to be socially built-in and enhance synergy with different elements and stakeholders.

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In spite of being excruciatingly brief, two of the three clauses that make up Article 3 of the Shillong Accord—the only substantive article of the three in the accord—provide for the “acceptance of the Constitution of India, without condition and of their own volition” and the instrumentalities of “depositing” arms by the underground. Article 1 names the parties signing the accord, and article 2 briefly lays down the historical background of discussions that led to the signing of the accord. Article 3, clause iii, holds out the promise of arriving at a “final settlement” in the following terms: “It was agreed that the representatives of the underground organizations should have reasonable time to formulate other issues for discussions for final solution” (Lasuh 2002; Datta 1995).

Government negotiators were intrigued by the frequent changes in Laldenga’s attitudes. Therefore, on January 12, 1982, the government terminated the talks and declared MNF an unlawful organization. Laldenga again was ordered to leave the country, and military operations mounted pressure on him and his organization. It was at this point that the church in Mizo made an appeal for peace and called on both sides to desist from armed campaigns. Although the church in Nagaland played an active role in initiating the peace process, in Mizo it only made an appeal to end hostilities and bring peace back.

The history of such promised talks with ULFA is as old as the history of war with it. Indeed, peace is viewed by both the warring parties as only a part of the game of war (Das forthcoming). Even b as late as early January 2007, Prime Minister peace dialogues have Singh offered safe passage to ULFA leaders should they come for direct negotiations. After the recent been deadlocked army operations began, then-Home Secretary V. K. ” He also dismissed a question about whether the central government lacks the will to open talks with ULFA.

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